חדשות וירוס TV - מהדורה 846 • המסדרון החדש של ביבי לא חביבי • 21-11-2023
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נשמח לדעת האם אתה תומך בהחזרת ההתיישבות היהודית ברצועת עזה במידה כזו או אחרת?
אני אשמח להפנות את השאלה גם לשר בני גנץ.
לא.
לפעמים אני יושב כאן עם מרקר גדול,
... to show the curse, a great curse, the curse of the nuclear one.
But today,
today I bring this marker to show a great blessing,
the blessing of the new Middle East between Israel,
Saudi Arabia and our other neighbors.
We will not only bring down barriers between Israel and our neighbors,
we will build a new corridor of peace and prosperity
through the UE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel,
to Europe.
This is an extraordinary change, a monumental change, another pivot of history.
Israel has an alternative project to the Suez in the region.
Is this possible?
In March 2021,
a giant container ship,
spanning the length of four football fields,
became lodged in Egypt's Suez Canal,
obstructing a vital global trade route.
Numerous vessels were stranded,
awaiting rescue ships to dislodged the 400-meter long vessel.
This disruption led to a surge in oil prices on international markets.
The Suez Canal, which first opened in 1869,
has evolved into one of the world's most critical trade routes.
This waterway serves as a pivotal conduit for transporting oil,
natural gas and cargo from the East to the West.
Just last year,
nearly 23,000 ships navigated this canal,
collectively transporting over 1 מיליון tons of goods.
It stands as a cornerstone of Egypt's otherwise economically challenged landscape,
and ranks among the nation's top runners of foreign currency.
In 2022, the canal contributed a substantial 9.4 million dollar to Egypt's revenue.
Despite certain sections being expanded in 2015 to accommodate the world's largest vessels,
some segments remain as narrow as 300 meters.
Due the potential challenges,
Israel is actively exploring options for constructing an alternative canal.
The been-guerian canal,
and visioned as a substitute for the Suez Canal,
spans 260 kilometers,
connecting the Gaza-אשקלון region to the Red Sea.
This project promises to chart a new pathway for global energy and trade.
However, it could also have economic and commercial ramifications for Egypt,
which traditionally garnered billions of dollars in revenue from the Suez Canal.
In the 1960s,
the United States entertained a remarkable plan to create an alternative to the Suez Canal through
Israel and through Israel involving the potential use of 520
to 520 נוקליאר בומים.
However, this audacious scheme never materialized.
According to a declassified 1963 ממשרד 1963,
made public in 1996,
the plan hinged on the deployment of 520 נוקליאר בומים to carve out the waterway.
This plan proved unworkable,
and today Israel continues to explore avenues to develop fresh
opportunities opportunities opportunities for establishing an alternative trade road.
Over the past decade,
the Suez Canal has played a pivotal role in enabling the transportation of a staggering 11 billion tons of goods.
Numerous vessels,
including those of Israeli origin,
heading east,
have taken advantage of this vital waterway to expedite their journeys,
avoiding the lengthy circumnavigation of Africa.
A permanent closure of the Suez Canal would undoubtedly have a substantial
impact perceptual
impact on international trade.
Political analyst,
Andrew Hוזאי,
גם הוא מיוחד את ספציפי דייטלות של הפרויקט הזה.
לאחר מכתב את ההסכות של האברהם-אנושאות של ה-peace
דקלרצות עם ישראל,
עם ישראל,
ישראל נותנת ישראל,
עם ישראל נותנות עם ישראל וישראל נותנות עם ארץ אמורת עצמו
על סו-אסקנל כמויותר פעמים בעבודה עבודה.
כאשר הדיסקציות בין ישראל והארצות הבין-לאומית לא הטובות כאן,
ההצעה עצמה היא גדולה.
תקצורת אלטרנטיבה ישראלית סואס כנל יכולה להחזיר את איגיטס מונופולי על מדיטורניאן מטרנציאלי פוטנציאלי פוטנציאלי ישראלית לטרנציאלית פוטנציאלית ישראלית לטרנציאלית גדולה.
מ-2015 ל-2022,
סואס כנל העבודה 50 מיליון דולר לאגיטס רוויונו,
מייצג גדול מאוד גדולה לגבי 25.9 מיליון דולר שקבלו ב-2010 ו-2015.
ב-2019,
סואס כנל יחד את הכנסת הכניסה הכי טובה מאז ההצעה הראשונה,
מסקרות גדולות הגדולה של מדיטורניאן טרנזיט גדולה,
שהייתה קרובה קרובה של איגיטס.
המחקרות האלה כפייננציאלי לימוד אגיטס אקונומי,
מייצג גדולות מסוימת מוצלות ומחקרות
רבות גדולות גדולות במהלות אקונומית אחרי הקרובה פוליטית ב-2011.
ישראל,
כמו אגיט,
אוהב את המחקרות הגדולה הגדולה של איכות גדולה להביא אותה לברכה קונסטרוקטית של איכות גדולה קיימתי.
אגיטס הבנת אגיטס,
שפצילטת את הקריאה של הסואז כנל,
מתחילה באזמוס של סואז,
קורבת בגולף סואז,
שמטרות את המחקרות של המדיטורניה ל-Red Sea.
ישראל מוצלת את המחקרות היחידות כמו שהגולף של עקובה היא בקריאה ל-Mediteranian.
ההחלטה בין הגולף של עקובה ל-Israel's west coast is
רק מרגינלית יותר מזה בין הגולף של סואז ל-Mediteranian.
אגב,
ישראל יכולה פתאום להחליט את ההחלטה הזו בשות גדולות גדולות ומחקרות גדולות.
ישראל's קונסטרוקציה של כנה אחרת יכולה
for an alternative route for ships compelled to circumnavigate אפריקה as competition
between Israel and Egypt may lead to reduced fees for Red Sea Mediterranean Transit.
Egypt's ability to unilaterally dictate prices for the Suez Canal would diminish as Israel's canal becomes a viable substitute.
אם Egypt sets prices too high,
ships could opt for Israel's waterway,
and vice versa.
The declining prices would then act as a pricing signal promoting increased shipping through both canals,
ultimately benefiting international trade.
A pertinent question arises,
how would falling prices benefit Israel given the potential reduction in revenue?
The answer lies in Israel's unique advantage,
it has not yet constructed a canal.
Israel can leverage the existing knowledge of the Suez Canal to design a waterway
with with lower operational costs, enhanced efficiency and increased capacity.
Egypt lacks this advantage as it already operates the Suez Canal,
and significant modifications might entail costly and disruptive changes.
Hence,
by drawing insights from the study of the Suez Canal,
Israel can create a canal that allows them to charge prices below what Egypt can afford while accommodating more ships.
This strategy this strategy ensures that Israel can profit handsomely through the economies of scale.
Numerous countries in the Gulf,
East Africa and Asia rely on the Suez Canal for the transit of ships to and from Northern Europe and the Mediterranean.
With the opening of Israel's canal and the potential for lower tolls,
these nations will be encouraged to utilize Israel's waterway,
which in turn,
would foster increased trade interactions with Israel.
Some questions arise about the potential impact of an Israeli canal on Israel-Egypt relations.
It's conceivable that the introduction of a new player into a market that Egypt has long dominated could lead to short-term tensions between the two countries.
However, in the long run,
as Egypt enhances the Suez Canal to offer more competitive pricing and accommodate increased traffic,
both nations are likely to adapt to co-existing in the market.
In conclusion,
and Israeli built alternative to the Suez-Kanel promises to yield substantial benefits for Israel's economy and its regional power.
through competition between Israel and Egypt,
it will reduce prices for Mediterranean red-seed טרנזיט,
thus fostering an expansion and international shipping.
But it can trigger new conflicts in the region because of regional dynamics.
The Israeli project would receive regional and international reactions by many countries.
That's why some countries. That's why some countries showed interest in the Russian alternative canal proposal on the northern C root in 2021. What concerns me about what Israel is doing? It's not their efforts to get rid of המס.
אבל בגלל הנזרה של הטבות המספרות כלכליות אותן במהלך, בהשתמשות של הסביבים והחזקותיות הן מוכן לשנות,
הן לא תקשיבו, והן תקשיבו ולהיות ולהיות.
האם אנחנו לא, כמו כן ברכה, אברהם בראק אוביומה, האם אנחנו לא מבחינים פה
רק תוכנית לדירה הרבה יותר רדיקליזציה של כל אלה פלסטינים ששמעו את האנשים שהם אוהבים אותם,
למה אנחנו נדאגים שבחרות כל זה הם היו רוצים לעשות
to do anything other than to become a new version of Hamas and wanting to exact revenge for what happened to their families?
Well, two things.
One is,
if you just follow the logic of what Barack Obama said, then you just shouldn't do anything.
If you're Israel, you should be attacked and just sit back and say, great, we'll wait for the next one.
But the second, the more important thing is,
your question suppose is that there is a sort of peaceful Palestinian population in Gaza,
who would love a two-state solution.
And then a few bad apples in Hamas.
I think that's not true.
Why is it that when one of the victims of the music festival,
a poor young German-Jewish girl who it seems was raped and then brutally murdered and taken into the Gaza נגד,
why was it that you can find, and anyone can find this online,
a crowd of ordinary garthons, it wasn't Hamas, it wasn't Hamas rally, ordinary garthons spitting on her body
hitting her body, mutilating her body further, as it went down the street.
does that strike you appears as a placid population of peacenet types who were just desperately waiting for a two-state solution to be put back on the table for the millionth time in the last 70 something years?
It doesn't seem like that to me.
No, but there are over 2 million people in Gaza and there weren't 2 million people in that video clip.
There were a few 100. So I don't like to make...
כן, כן, כמה שעוד 600 עוד רדיו. כמה שעוד רדיו.
ושאלתם ראיתם מישהו שאומרים, היי, אנשים,
תחזור,
אנחנו לא נכנסים למנסוע של הבן גרות או שירות אותן בפברה.
לא, אני לא ראיתי את זה.
אבל מה שאתה באמת בהתנגד, וקורא אם אני לא טוען, אבל לא מה שאתה באמת בהתנגד,
אין דורסן של מפלגת מוקנציאת,
כאשר אתה אומר שהם כולסים, ואם הם לא יורדו למה, הם גם כולסים.
וזו שם אנשים יש שום דבר, אני חושב, עם החלטה שלהם, לא, אני מסכים.
אם אתם עושים כל הגאזנים גם מבחינים,
אז זה לא קולטת פונקציה, שזה אינגרס.
קודם כל,
יש איזו חשיבה של אנשים בגאזה.
אם אתם מבחינים את המאז והם מבחינים את פאטה,
אז הם יקבלו בכל השנים לאחרונה.
אני חושב שיש איזו חשיבה של אנשים,
בנושא הזה.
כשהגאנשים היו עדלף היטלר לביטחון ולבטלו עליו,
אנחנו, בריטניה,
לקחו את ההבדל שהגאנשים היו חשיבים בכל זאת.
אז אני לא מבחינת פונקציה כלום,
אבל לא רק על האיזו חושב שיש משהו קשה בקונטקצט האישראלי,
שאנחנו, בריטניה, לא יכולים להבין.
אנחנו עושים עוד דבר כזה. אבל יש משהו קשה קשה קשה מאוד קשה,
והיא שהפופולציה של גאזה היא קצת קשה קשה,
וכאילו חצי מהפופולציה הם ילדים.
זו סיצוציה הקונסטינית.
לא, אני אגיד לך מה ההבדל על הפופולציה של גאזה.
זו הפופולציה בגאזר,
שבה אנשים קוראים ברגע שהישראלים מגיעים גנוסייד,
אבל יש פופולציה בוום כל הזמן.
זה מבין אותי כשזה קשה מאוד מעניין בעבודה גאזה.
אבל בשביל המורל, אני רוצה להביא עוד פעם מאוד מאוד קצת, אם אני יכול להגיד את זה,
זאת אומרת,
אנשים מאוד אופוזים על ההיסטוריה,
ואומרים דברים כל הזמן,
And about the only thing anyone from history knows is about the Nazis.
Here's something I can tell you with absolute certainty,
Piers.
Having not just seen some results of what Hamas did on the ground here in Israel a few weeks ago,
but having watched the videos of the unedited footage,
which I was one of the journalists who sadly allowed to see the other day,
I can tell you one thing, the comparison between Hamas and the Nazis is insufficient and I,
so there's an incoming,
incoming.
Get safe,
תלויוס.
are you OK?
let's just,
yeah, yeah, yeah, it's fine, sorry, it was a rocket coming,
it looked like it was just going to land on us here.
which way was that rocket coming from Gaza or from Israel?
Yes, it seemed to be coming from Gaza, so yeah, it's fine.
It's OK, it's been happening all day.
Let me just finish this point,
before we go on, דוגלס,
אדמן, how does that make you feel?
What just happened there?
I mean, it's, I'm a little used to it. I was in
Ukraine last year and was in Kursan and
Uddes and Mikoal Iyv and when the Russians were selling it, so I'm a little used to it.
But if I can just finish this point,
you know, this, there's a lot of banging going on, but anyway, we'll keep going.
Well, if you need to stop, Douglas, we understand.
No, no, I don't worry. If we need to stop, I'll run to the shelter, I assure you.
The thing that struck me, you know, Pיר, about seeing the 7th of October footage
was that
even the Nazis were actually ashamed of what they did.
You know, SS battalions who spent their days shooting Jews in the back of the head,
and pushing them into trenches,
had to get very very drunk in the evening to forget what they had done.
The Nazi high command famously had to sort of
get around the problem of soldier moral,
because the soldiers knew this wasn't exactly what their lives are meant to look like either.
I tell you one very big difference.
If you look at the footage, the raw footage, and I really hope that people don't know why the scale have to view what I viewed
the other day.
אם they see it, they will see something that is at least as barbaric as what the Nazis did.
But here's the difference.
They did it with glee.
They were deeply proud.
You see people,
you know,
taking the head off a young Israeli man with a shovel,
and then calling their parents back in Gaza and telling them
further further,
I've killed 10 Jews in my own hands,
get mother on the phone,
and I want to tell her how great a job her son has done.
You know, I come back to this thing. I'm not exaggerating this.
It's very very interesting, and people need to realize
you had this situation with the Nazis, where they also were a genocide or an anti-Semitism organization,
but they tried to cover their crimes up.
המאז actually proud of them,
and they've said they will do them until the whole world is clear of Jews.
So I suggest we take that seriously,
and I think that Israel is taking it seriously.
I hope they continue to take it seriously,
but I think the world should take it seriously,
and that includes בריטן.
And when I hear British journalists,
British commentators and British politicians lecturers lecturers לישראלים ומה שהם צריכים לעשות,
I think,
I'm sorry,
this shows a failing in our country.
It shows that we and בריטן cannot enforce our laws.
We don't even enforce our borders in Britain.
It's us that is the weak link in the international security chain on this,
not Israel.
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